Trump’s proposed budget cuts 28% from the State Department’s funding, reducing foreign aid and de-funding a range of programs.
Considering the prospects for Eurasia, it concludes that “Russia’s aggressive foreign policy will be a source of considerable volatility in the next five years.”
The immigration fiasco, based on the President’s executive order, was the next stage of delegitimizing the American political process itself.
The new U.S. administration’s unorthodox diplomacy will run up against the U.S.’ own national security establishment, as well as those of China and Russia.
What makes Tillerson’s bellicosity even more absurd is that the U.S. position in the South China Sea has never been weaker.
Trump’s election signals a “Jacksonian protest” of nativist sentiment and mistrust of elites—rejecting the liberal order that has kept peace and prosperity.
Despite U.S. objections and concerns, China’s $100 billion initiative seems determined in its quest for respectability and prominence.
If Trump wants to take his China policy to its logical conclusion, he should capitalize on and galvanize strategic ties with India.
Thousands of ordinary Americans serve as unofficial ambassadors of the United States—many counter, or oblivious to official policy.
Trump is a foreign policy enigma. Regardless of how much he talked about it during his campaign, it is difficult to know what to expect from him.
Many are wondering how the nomination of General James “Mad Dog” Mattis as the new Secretary of Defense will influence future U.S.-China relations.
For both the U.S. and Russia, strategic alignment is a way to keep the looming China threat in check. How could this new partnership work out?
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